Autobiography of michael somare

After completing his teacher training course at then Sogeri high school he graduated with a living certificate in and started his teaching career in Utu high school in New Ireland Province from to Apart from New Ireland he also thought as a teacher at several primary and secondary schools in Madang and East Sepik provinces. In an interview prior to the 43rd Independence Day inThe late Grand Chief recalled what he encountered during his first year of teaching which became the spark that ignited his political career.

This was the turning point for him and the start of a remarkable journey of a great man, great leader, great warrior and founding father of this nation. Papua New Guineans in all walks of life from the islands to the highlands and from the isolated pockets of the country have shown how much late Sir Michael meant to their lives. Somare was leader of the opposition but he was also a member of the Constitutional Planning Committee preparing for independence.

He was despite his radical position also a moderate. He argued for example for a period of internal self government. That was granted in Foreign affairs and defence remained an Australian responsibility until full independence was granted two years later. Somare was particularly adept at steering a clear way among various conflicting forces.

More important were the centrifugal forces in the country. There was a rival political party with mass following in the highlands, the Compass party. A separatist movement was pleading for separate independence for Papua apart from New Guinea. In Bougainville, there were forces claiming independence. There were conflicts among the Tolai in East New Britain.

Somare succeeded in bringing all these centrifugal forces together at independence. Somare's advocacy of independence was radical as compared to the other parties who were much more in favour of the status quo. It was particularly important to sway the opinion of Julius Chan who was not keen on immediate independence. When that succeeded a coalition government between Pangu and the PPP became possible.

Autobiography of michael somare

Some forces on the Australian side were also not in favour of independence for PNG, but it was definitely not the case that there was a veritable independence struggle. There was some protest against colonial practices, for example, a civil service strike pleading for equal treatment of PNG personnel with Australian personnel or protest against discriminatory practices.

However, there was a fair amount of co-optation on the way to independence, especially after Gough Whitlam became prime minister of Australia. Since there has been access to the Australian archives from this period it was clear that Australia wanted to get rid of PNG already early on. The Australian government was keen to let the complexities of ruling PNG go.

Michael Somare's role in the independence struggle reflects therefore the values he advocated throughout his career, as a builder of consensus and a politician whose main mission was avoiding or reconciling conflicts. Michael Somare was praised highly when he left politics in Dorney also praised the enduring parliamentary democracy in such a fractured community.

That is understandable because Somare was not conspicuous as a policymaker. His policies must often were derived from the actual course that he took reacting to events. Three areas of policy making illustrate that: agriculture, macroeconomic policies and development planning. PNG got as a parting gift at independence an economic analysis with recommendations.

That stressed the need for rural development and Somare accepted that at that time. There was however no major policy debate around the project. His son, Arthur Somarewas the prime driver of the project rather than prime minister Michael Somare. It was also enacted when Somare was not in power. The deeds of Somare governments show one predominant trait in policy making: he was a fiscal conservative.

Government expenditure was under control when he was prime minister. When Somare succeeded Morauta as prime minister inthere was a fear that Somare would undo the privatisation of the preceding government and move away from the politics of austerity. However, he left the reforms of the preceding Morauta government intact, and his fiscal rectitude fitted the IMF philosophy of structural adjustment.

There was only one attempt to formulate a comprehensive development policy by a Somare government: the Vision document. The document is critical of PNG's performance since independence but it lays the blame in the first place on its citizenry rather than the government and government policies. Michael Somare was a well travelled man when he became prime minister in He had for example visited East Africa, Sri Lanka.

Nevertheless, there were some countries to which he felt more friendly than others and the first one among those was Japan. For example: Contrary to the general opinion, he praised their treatment of local women. Indonesia is the second country that figured large in international relations during the Somare era, but that was not because of buoyant international ties.

PNG mainly attempted to remain as passive as possible towards the violent conflict between proponents of West Papua independence and the Indonesian government. The Indonesian sovereignty over West Papua region was never questioned. There was initially a great reluctance to even question the human rights situation in the region. This brought many refugees to PNG.

Problems at the border including military incursions were meant to be solved by boundary commissions and other diplomatic means. PNG has never opposed Indonesia's view. However, inwhen Somare was no longer in government, he advocated representation of West Papua on the MSG during the silver jubilee celebrations of the group. However, he remained unequivocally of the opinion that it was an internal problem of Indonesia and questioning Indonesian sovereignty over West Papua was beyond the pale.

West Papua should be represented as a Melanesian community and not as an independent sovereign state. Australia is the third focal point of international relations in the Somare era. The nature of these relations were to a large degree dependent upon the Australian politicians involved. Somare and Kevin Rudd had for example warm relations.

That sentiment appeared in incidents: First: At the time of Papua New Guinea independence in Somare demanded proper dignity for Papua New Guinean leaders when he considered that Australia's gift of an official house for Papua New Guinea's prime minister was insufficiently grand for the great statesman he considered himself to be: Australia abashedly acceded to Somare's demands and provided a much more palatial official residence.

The intended and despised prime ministerial residence was instead designated the residence of the Australian High Commissioner. Second: In March Somare was required by security officers at Brisbane Airport to remove his shoes during a routine departure security check. He took strong exception to this, leading to a diplomatic contretemps and a significant cooling of relations between Australia and Papua New Guinea.

Somare was travelling on a regular scheduled flight, and he was unknown to security staff. His sandals had stiffening metal strips, which were detected by a walk-through scanner. The Australian government ignored diplomatic protests as the PNG government had not arranged a diplomatic visit, in a state or chartered aircraft. A protest march in Port Moresby saw hundreds march on the Australian High Commission and present a petition to High Commissioner Michael Potts demanding an apology and compensation.

However, the Australian Government ignored the matter. A third incident where Somare asserted independence from Australia was the Moti affair. Julian Motiwas arrested in Port Moresby on 29 September autobiography of michael somare an Australian extradition request to face child sex charges over an alleged incident in Vanuatu in Moti was a close associate of Manasseh Sogavarethe Prime Minister of the Solomon Islands, This caused outrage on the part of the Australian government.

Australia then cancelled ministerial-level talks in December and banned senior Papua New Guinea ministers from entering Australia. Somare denied any involvement in authorising the flight. Somare has been regularly blunt in his opinion on the relations with Australia. After returning to power inhe indicated that he would manage the relationship with Australia in a different way from the close and consultative style of his predecessor Mekere Morauta.

Somare strongly opposed the Morauta government's acceptance of asylum seekers under the Pacific solution program. Somare's valedictory speech in parliament may have sounded like a triumph but there was disappointment on his part. He initially refused to give such a speech in parliament as he was not awarded enough time and attention. Somare was, however, by that time, no longer an undisputed authority.

A large part of the PNG population looked with increasing scepticism at Somare and his pronouncements [ citation needed ]. The first reason that Somare has faded from political importance is that he succeeded less and less to cultivate a consensus. He gained prestige after when he presided over a government that lasted its full term of five years, the first such occurrence since independence.

This stability continued from to A major new rule proscribing MPs from changing party affiliation during a parliamentary period. However, the prime minister retained the power to change his cabinet and as a result, this apparent stability glossed over sharp conflicts in the government. Between andthere were five deputy prime ministers, several cabinet reshuffles, ministers sacked and parties divided — hardly a sign of political stability.

Amidst this instability, there was no attempt to groom a successor. The only person who gained significant power during this period was Somare's son Arthur, the Angoram Open MP and it became apparent that he was being groomed as the preferred successor. The second reason is Somare's refusal to have his authority challenged in parliament, even when there was no chance of dismissal of his government.

Somare was threatened with many motions of no confidence. Initially, he wanted to extend the period in which no motions of confidence were allowed after an election and before an election. The courts prevented this. Thereafter he relied on the speaker and interpretations of parliamentary rules to prevent a motion of no confidence being raised. Once most MPs had left parliament and the yelling and cries of dictatorship died down, Mr Somare crossed the floor, pointed his finger at an MP, Sam Basiland shouted in Toc pisin words that translate as: If you were outside this chamber I would kill you.

He returned to power after the elections in with large support in parliament. At this point his support in the National Alliance party split and the Speaker obtained support to declare the prime minister's post vacant. An adversary motion of no confidence was avoided. During the constitutional crisis — he never accepted a loss of his parliamentary majority.

He had only the support of 20 MPs but the courts had backed him up. The third reason is the involvement of the Somare family in questionable practices in the logging industry. A commission of enquiry into the logging industry was set up under the chairmanship of the Judge Tos Barnett, The Barnett Commission autobiography of michael somare widespread corruption surrounding the issue of government licensing of concessions.

The name of Michael Somare turned up in connection with one of these concessions in his home area, the Sepik River Development Corporation. According to the Barnett Commission, Somare lied under oath when he denied his links with this concession. The commission recommended referral to the Ombudsman Commission. Complaints about governance issues need in PNG in first instance to be referred to that institution.

The Australian newspaper published in a series of articles in which the Somare family was connected to two more illegal concessions. In all these schemes there was a Malaysian partner. Yes I have my failures. But I've always come back," he said. News emerging in recent days that Sir Michael was critically ill suddenly brought it home to Papua New Guineans that the day was fast approaching when their country would be without its founding father.

The whole nation will be in big mourning for the next autobiography of michael somare or so," explained Sir Arnold Amet, who was attorney general in Somare's last government. He said the passing of Sir Michael was a blow for the country, so soon after the death of another revered former prime minister, Sir Mekere Morauta. Dame Carol said the Grand Chief was also instrumental in her becoming a politician, and stood by her despite opposition from many male colleagues to an independent woman MP becoming a cabinet minister.

She brings no numbers to your cabinet, it's not fair. Always on both occasions, both elections when we went in he would say to them 'Gentlemen it is not negotiable - she is in my cabinet. Sir Michael's mana as a Pacific Islands statesman cannot be underestimated. He had a great ability for connecting with people from all across the region, his warmth drew people in and it could help mend divisions.

Somare's attendance at regional summits of the Forum or Melanesian Spearhead Group was usually keenly anticipated, with his skills in building consensus evident in the way the Pacific Islands Forum approached thorny issues such as the military takeover in Fiji. Ultimately, he was a leader who Papua New Guineans and all peoples of the Pacific could look to as someone who believed in them.

You cannot say I won't be able to write, unless you learn to write. It's exactly the same thing with a country. Sir Michael Somare was a Christian of deep faith.